17 articles
When the Cold War came to a sudden end thirty years ago, the two halves of the continent declared in unison their intention to overcome the legacy of the division. Eastern Europeans appeared eager to ritually condemn, if not to critically examine, their recent past and were especially keen on asserting and proving their ‘Europeanness.’ Westerners, too, hoped to see the countries of the former Eastern bloc transformed and potentially absorbed into an enlarged and ever deeper project of political integration. Mutual ignorance and deep-seated misperceptions seemed a temporary hindrance on the path towards the unification of the continent.
After 1989, the conviction became common that the Cold War had been an anomaly. The Iron Curtain may have enforced a perception of stark differences between the two halves of the continent, and may even have turned such differences into a fact for more than a generation, but the distinction between East and West was said to be little more than a symbolic construct. It was repeatedly asserted that the boundary separating the two halves of the continent was fluid, negotiable, and subject to deconstruction. Yet the integration projects launched during the early postwar decades, which despite being restricted to one side of the Iron Curtain made increasing claims to represent Europe as a whole, drew on long-standing traditions in western European thought that marginalized and even excluded the experiences of the continent’s eastern half. And it was similarly overlooked that structural differences between various macro-regions of Europe had a history stretching back much further than the Cold War.
If the integration of an enlarged Europe was to stand any chance of success in the post-Cold War period, a more inclusive narrative of the recent past and a more equitable present was required. Not only was, as post-colonial authors asserted, a thorough decolonization of the dominant Eurocentric visions of the world called for after centuries of colonialism. Also, as critical scholars from eastern Europe noted, a simultaneous de-provincialization of western Europe needed to accompany European unification in order to avoid reproducing developmental-civilizational hierarchies and stigmatizations within the continent.
The hopes and ambitions of those heady days for a fast and successful merging of Europe’s East and West can today be viewed as unrealistic at best. The financial and economic crisis of 2008 led to a crisis of the eurozone, which – beyond painfully reopening a North-South divide – halted or may even have reversed the process of economic convergence in the East. The increasing confrontation between Russia and the West in recent years has challenged Europeans’ confidence in a peaceful future. The global revival of authoritarianism has engulfed several eastern European states, including EU members, while xenophobic forces and nationalist politicians enjoy growing support across the continent.
The past decade of crisis and turmoil appears to have frustrated the great expectations of the turn of the millennia for a free, borderless and social Europe. With the elevation of controversial projects in the eastern member states to models for their western counterparts (an unexpected reversal in the transfer of political ideas and styles), the possibility of convergence between Europe’s two halves is increasingly perceived as a threat rather than a promise. These trends make it all the more urgent to ask what happened to the legacy of the East-West division in the three decades since the end of the Cold War and the implosion of the communist regimes.
How have the perceptions and misperceptions between the two halves of the continent changed since 1989? Is it justified to talk of a new East–West divide? If so, how can one characterize it and why has it re-emerged? Conversely, how have hopes of overcoming the divide been met over the past three decades?
Together with its Slovene partner journal Razpotja, Eurozine is posing these timely questions to a host of prominent intellectuals, who share their insights and assessments in the essays here. We will be continuing the conversation through further contributions throughout the year. We wish you a stimulating read.
Luka Lisjak Gabrijelčič, Razpotja
Ferenc Laczó, Maastricht University
Freedom of movement
A European dialectic
Attitudes towards immigration are said to be split down an East–West divide, but it is western Europe that has traditionally feared ‘invasions’ from the East and that responded to EU enlargement in 2004 with restrictions on labour migration. Now that eastern and western Europe are more deeply integrated than ever before, the defining question will be how Europe negotiates immigration from outside its borders.
‘The Romanians are coming’
Emerging divisions and enduring misperceptions in contemporary Europe
Following changes to UK immigration law in 2014, the documentary ‘The Romanians are Coming’ promised the truth behind the headlines. Diana Georgescu finds a more troubling picture of Romanians, tied up with longstanding prejudices applied to eastern Europeans generally and Romani people in particular.
Creating feminism in the shadow of male heroes
That other story of 1989
The widespread fear from the label of radical feminism has blurred the interpretation of pre-1989 women’s movements. A generational clash further complicates the process of remembrance. The superficiality of post-feminism and gender mainstreaming threatens to erase the struggles of yet another feminist generation.
The end of the liberal world as we know it?
Two Walls in 1989
While the rest of the world concentrated on the fall of the Berlin Wall, another wall in China brought about a different type of change. The economic power the most populous country has accumulated is now challenging the western claim that only liberal democracy would provide ideal circumstances for capitalism.
Cracks in the future
On 1989 and historical time
The anachronistic appearance of the post-communist world fascinated westerners visiting eastern Europe after ’89. As Håkan Forsell puts it, the East offered the image of a ‘future that would never happen’. Four decades of totalitarianism were rapidly forgotten by the seekers of ‘true Europe’.
Since censorship in state socialist Poland was more lenient than in other countries of the Eastern Bloc, a peculiar counterpublicity was formed between samizdat, émigré publishing and western radio stations which amplified the voice of dissent.
A clash of the titans is emerging in Eurozine, as the anniversary discourse starts to recount the cultural heritage and the political failures of 1989. Aleida Assmann heavily criticizes Stephen Holmes and Ivan Krastev; Holly Case and Ulrike Liebert offer resolutions.
Stephen Holmes and Ivan Krastev argue that illiberal politics in central and eastern Europe should be understood primarily as a reaction to the ‘imperative to imitate’ the West after 1989. But to downplay the ideological substance of the new authoritarianism is reckless in the current situation, responds Aleida Assmann. Recalling the contribution of eastern European dissidents to Europe’s culture of human rights offers a corrective to the damaging myth of the ‘victorious West’.
Explaining eastern Europe
Imitation and its discontents
For countries emerging from communism, the post-1989 imperative to ‘be like the West’ has generated discontent and even a ‘return of the repressed’, as the region feels old nationalist stirrings and new demographic pressures. The origins of illiberalism in central and eastern Europe are emotional and pre-ideological, rooted in rebellion at the humiliations that accompany a project requiring acknowledgment of a foreign culture as superior to one’s own.
In Romania, the commemoration of ’89 always means remembrance of those who died for freedom. But three decades since the fall of communism, responsibility for the victims has yet to be clearly established. Meanwhile, concerns about the rule of law appear more pressing.
Dissidence – doubt – creativity
Revisiting 1983
The erstwhile students of 1989 have recently returned to the streets of Bucharest, Warsaw, Bratislava and Budapest to defend what they achieved three decades ago. But could the tragedy of Central Europe that Milan Kundera wrote about so compellingly in 1983 be repeating itself?
Of hopes and ends
Czech transformations after 1989
It is not the case that the move towards populism has spoiled democratic hopes in central and eastern Europe. The hope was part of the problem from the beginning, despite its emancipatory potential, or even because of it. We have to ask two questions: ‘what kind of hope?’ and ‘hope for what?
Hopes of a smooth transition from ‘goulash communism’ to market economies have long since been dashed by the ‘post-Soviet mafia-state’ in Hungary. But to what extent are liberal intellectuals themselves responsible, through their elitist disdain for the rest of the population, for the decline of democracy in Hungary?
The two faces of European disillusionment
An end to myths about the West and the East
Both materially and politically, eastern Europe has never been closer to the West. At the same time, the post-communist myth of western superiority has lost its power. As imitation gives way to defiance, a new set of political challenges emerges, writes Jarosław Kuisz.
Divergent narratives
The unfinished adventure of European unification
As neo-nationalists capitalize on citizens’ loss of trust in European elites, even the most powerful of Europe’s member states seem incapable of dealing with run-away globalization on their own. So where next for European unification, 30 years after the fall of the Iron Curtain?
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